How MCGI and a Billionaire Exploited the Partylist System
- Rosa Rosal
- May 14
- 5 min read
Updated: May 23
By MCGI Exiters Investigative Desk
May 2025 | Special Report
Metro Manila — In a democracy built on the principle of representation, the party-list system was intended to empower the powerless. But what unfolds today is a cautionary tale of how influence, deception, and religious obedience have turned that noble idea into a vehicle for elite capture.
At the center of this story is Roberto Gerard L. Nazal Jr, Bagong Henerasyon first nominee and a billionaire contractor with interests in mining, infrastructure, and consumer goods. In 2022, Nazal attempted to enter Congress through PASAHERO Party-list but failed to garner the necessary votes. Weeks later, he resurfaced as the proclaimed representative of Magsasaka Party-list, despite not its nominee nor a member. The proclamation, pushed through by the Commission on Elections (COMELEC), sparked uproar among agricultural groups and legal experts.
It has since come to light that Nazal’s backdoor entry was not incidental. It was allegedly coordinated with Dexter Villamin, a controversial figure ousted from Magsasaka Party-list leadership and infamous for his role in the multi-billion peso DV Boer scam. Their collusion allowed Nazal to take an oath before COMELEC despite lacking any affiliation with the party or its cause.
Now, after years of legal impasse, the Supreme Court has finally ruled to disqualify Nazal, thereby removing him from Magsasaka Party-list. Although the decision was rendered in May 2024, it was only made public recently. In response, Argel Joseph Cabatbat, the party’s original first nominee, praised the ruling and reaffirmed his commitment to restoring true representation for Filipino farmers.
“Kahit kaunti na lang ang natitirang buwan ngayong 19th Congress, magkakaroon ulit ng boses ang mga magsasaka sa Kongreso,” said Cabatbat. “Maibabalik ulit sa mga magsasaka ang Magsasaka Partylist.”
While this ruling restores a measure of justice for farmers, it also reveals a deeper, more systemic threat. The unholy convergence of billionaire interests, party-list manipulation, and sectarian mobilization orchestrated by a religious cult.
The MCGI Connection: Sectarian Machinery for Partisan Power
Nazal’s path back to Congress was not built on popular support. It was paved by the Members Church of God International (MCGI) and its charity arm MCGI Cares, whose leader Daniel Razon has, according to internal whistleblowers and verified accounts, covertly mobilized the group’s nationwide structure in support of Bagong Henerasyon (BH) Party-list, where Nazal now resurfaces as first nominee.
Though Razon avoids public political endorsements, sources confirm that he personally authorized the deployment of MCGI’s personnel, vehicles, and facilities to aid BH’s 2025 campaign. UNTV-branded vehicles, the supposed public service arm of MCGI, were documented transporting BH campaign materials and volunteers. Church officers and youth coordinators were instructed to “prioritize” BH mobilizations, often without compensation and under spiritual pressure.
Razon’s tactics are familiar to former members, keep public hands clean, but pull every string behind the curtain. His orders flow silently through sermons, internal memos, and chain-of-command whispers. But their effects are visible in the rallies, the logistics, and the bloc voting patterns that follow.
Kap Medina and the Pork-Promise Machine
Alongside Nazal, Kap Rudy Medina, an MCGI member, appears as BH’s second nominee. Medina plays the role of “in-house mobilizer,” responsible for bridging the church’s grassroots operations with BH’s political machinery. He is often seen speaking directly to MCGI brethren in localized campaign gatherings, where his messaging straddles both spiritual obligation and political incentive.
At one such rally, Medina brazenly promised, “Lahat ng para sa atin, kukunin ko”—a phrase interpreted by many as a vow to funnel pork-barrel allocations directly to MCGI constituents if elected. His statements represent more than empty rhetoric. They are part of a larger strategy to weaponize religious obedience for partisan control, with Medina as the intermediary between faith-based mobilization and political payoff.
The Role of Bernadette Herrera: The Acceptable Face
Publicly, BH’s operations continue to revolve around Congresswoman Bernadette Herrera, who serves as the party-list’s public face and civilian cover. Herrera frequently appears at press events and official functions, providing the image of legitimacy and continuity.
But insiders describe her role as largely symbolic, a buffer between public scrutiny and the real operators behind the scenes. While Herrera handles mainstream interviews and front-facing communications, the actual campaign operations are steered by the Nazal-Medina-MCGI triangle, with Herrera’s visibility acting as a distraction from the increasing influence of MCGI’s internal directive.
Herrera’s continued association with BH also raises ethical questions, especially in light of her party-list’s full-throated alliance with a religious bloc that has shown clear intent to use church infrastructure and doctrine to influence electoral outcomes.
Doctrine Abandoned, Power Embraced
MCGI’s collusion in this political scheme is not only unethical, it is deeply hypocritical. While Razon continues to denounce LGBTQ+ rights from his pulpit, BH Party-list is a principal backer of House Bill 1015, which seeks to legalize same-sex civil partnerships. The contradiction between public preaching and private politicking reveals the true nature of MCGI’s agenda--power first, doctrine second.
The use of church assets, media outlets, and religious authority to further a political campaign is a direct violation of both the Omnibus Election Code and the Fair Elections Act. Yet due to Razon’s calculated silence and the church’s internal culture of submission, the operation continues unchecked.
A System Hijacked, A Democracy Betrayed
The case of Roberto Nazal, now thrown out by the Supreme Court but quietly returning via BH, is emblematic of a broader rot. It is not just one man’s ambition or one group’s disobedience to law, it is the systematic weaponization of faith and wealth to subvert democratic institutions.
Through Nazal, Medina, MCGI, Daniel Razon and the soft front of Herrera, we see a full-scale assault on the spirit of the party-list system. The party-list was never meant to be a vehicle for billionaires. It was never meant to be hijacked by a religious empire. And it was never meant to reward those who promise pork in exchange for praise.
The Verdict Is In—Now What?
With the Supreme Court having formally removed Nazal from Magsasaka, the urgency is clear: institutions must not allow him to return to power through BH. The COMELEC, the KBP, and the Office of the Ombudsman must investigate the abuse of media, religious influence, and campaign violations committed under Razon’s watch.
But the most powerful response must come from the people themselves especially from those inside MCGI who now see the truth. Faith should not be a campaign tool. Devotion should not be conscripted for corruption.
What began as a curious case of a billionaire’s ambition has now become a full-blown crisis of representation, ethics, and accountability.
And unless we stop it, this will not be the last.
Sources:
Supreme Court Decision – G.R. No. 261657
Status quo ante order removing Roberto Gerard Nazal Jr. as representative of Magsasaka Party-list.
sc.judiciary.gov.ph (Note: Decision not directly published online; summarized in news reports. Confirmation via court records or SC press briefer.)
COMELEC Proclamation Controversy
Philstar: “Cabatbat hits Comelec proclamation of Nazal as Magsasaka rep”
Nazal and DV Boer Scam Connection
Rappler: “What happened to DV Boer?” (context on Dexter Villamin and financial controversy)
House Bill 1015 (Civil Union Bill)
Congress.gov.ph: Full text of BH-supported bill
COMELEC Resolution No. 10488 (Fair Elections Act Implementation)
Omnibus Election Code – Section 261: Prohibited Acts
KBP Code of Ethics (re: media neutrality)
